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For Open Borders Day: My Top 30

In honor of Open Borders Day, I looked over my writings here at Open Borders: The Case, and recommend those I think most worth reading. It might be of interest to someone who has read my writing in snippets, and wants to get a more comprehensive understanding of my worldview. See also my book, Principles of a Free Society, my writings at The American, TCS Daily, The Daily Good, The Freeman, and my old blog The Free Thinker. I recently wrote a political essay for Wielding Power which was chosen as the winning entry for the question “Should Nations Restrict Immigration?” Open borders may be my oldest belief. I’ve believed in it since I was a teenager, and I’ve been publishing as an open borders advocate for a decade. Open borders is the most important cause in the world today, after the Christian faith itself.

Without further ado, my top 30, arranged thematically. First, on Christianity and open borders:

1. The Coming Catholic Movement for Freedom of Migration

2. The Old Testament on Immigration. This might be the post that influenced me most, of everything I’ve written on open borders. I hadn’t realized, before consulting the Bible, just how strongly God is on our side.

On the Irish migration experience:

3. Ireland as a Counter-Example to the “Ghost Nations” Myth

4. “No Irish Need Apply” (about private discrimination against immigration, which should be tolerated, since it eases the transition for some natives and doesn’t hurt immigrants much)

Historical posts would include the above Old Testament post and the posts about Ireland, but also:

5. Hospitality in the Odyssey

6. In Defense of the Pilgrims

A bit more abstractly, at a “theory of history” level:

7. In Defense of the Nation-State

8. The Progress of Freedom. It was particularly fun to rediscover this one, in which I argue that “much of the history of the progress of freedom is summarized in three general patterns: (1) accountability vs. sovereignty, (2) the separation of solidarity from violence, (3) rights flow from insiders to outsiders.”

Continuing a somewhat communitarian theme, there are:

9. Immigration, Identity, Nationality, Citizenship, and Democracy

10. Nations as Marriages

11. Robert Putnam, Social Capital, and Immigration

Some of my favorite posts might be called “high theory,” and these can to some extent be distinguished into (a) ethics and (b) political and economic theory:

12. All Ethical Roads Lead to Open Borders

13. A Meta-Ethics to Keep in Your Back Pocket [NOTE: The word “meta-ethics” in the title of this post is used in what is unfortunately a slightly nonstandard way. There’s no better way to say it though, and the language would be better off if “meta-ethics” meant what I mean by it here.]

14. The Border as Blindfold. In which I suggest that the chief function of borders today may be to keep poverty out of sight of citizens of affluent nations to protect their moral complacency.

15. The Inequality of Nations. In which I argue that no claim that is indexical with respect to countries is valid.

Aside from “In Defense of the Nation-State,” mentioned above, economic and political theory include:

16. The Great Land Value Windfall from Open Borders

17. International Tiebout Competition

18. Nonexcludable but Rival Goods

19. The Tendency of Economic Activity to Concentrate Itself

20. The Conservative Social Welfare Function

21. The Citizenist Case for Open Borders

22. Innovation and Open Borders

23. Open Borders and the Justification for the Welfare State

24. Rawlsian Locational Choice (a highly abstract open borders metric)

25. Open Borders and the Economic Frontier, Part 1, Part 2, Part 3

The best summary of my case for open borders in one place is probably:

26. Open Borders Questionnaire: Nathan Smith’s Answers

But on civil disobedience in particular:

27. Why Jose Antonio Vargas Matters: Making Human Rights Real

And…

28. The Right to Invite

29. Auctions, Tariffs, and Taxes

… might shed some light on one way to get from the status quo a little closer to open borders. Finally…

30. World Poverty

… may capture, more than any other post, what my motivation is. I’ve devoted a lot of hours to this over the years, and I haven’t got much to show for it other than the moral benefit of having served a good cause. (I have made a little money freelance writing, and my book probably helped me get my current job.) I hope my efforts have been pleasing to God, and may help, in some small way, in the building up of His kingdom.

Introducing: New German-language Open Borders Website

March 16 is not only the second anniversary of Open Borders: The Case; today is also the day a new website is launched: Offene Grenzen.  The name is German for “open borders” and that’s what the website is dedicated to.

Currently, there are about ten contributors to Offene Grenzen.  While the layout looks different, the main thrust is similar to Open Borders: The Case. There are pages for background topics with in-depth material and references. And there is a blog with up-to-date commentary on current developments as well as for debating with proponents and opponents of open borders. Of course, they are also on Facebook, Google+, Twitter and YouTube.

Open Borders: The Case has played a major role in bringing all this about. Not only are two of the contributors to Offene Grenzen occasional bloggers here (Sebastian Nickel and myself), but also some of the initial material could build on the excellent resources at Open Borders: The Case. And also, it is has been an inspiration seeing this website grow over time and generating interest from sometimes unexpected quarters.

English certainly is the lingua franca of the Internet, but it is also important to overcome linguistic borders and to translate concepts to different contexts. While many in German-speaking countries may be comfortable with reading English, often writing posts or commenting on them proves an obstacle. And then there are angles that are interesting from a more local perspective, but not for a worldwide audience.

I am honored to be a part of both Offene Grenzen and Open Borders: The Case, and I am certain there will be a lot of exchange in the future. Since Open Borders: The Case is so far ahead, it may go mostly in one direction at first, but hopefully also some day in the other. And maybe this is also an inspiration for launching further websites in other languages.

As Clemens Schneider, one of the founders of Offene Grenzen writes in a post introducing the website: the process of dismantling borders within Europe, and especially the fall of the Iron Curtain has been a huge inspiration. “But there are still too many walls in the world.”

Let’s tear them down!

Two years of Open Borders

Open Borders Day will be held on Sunday, March 16. Given the global nature of the website, celebration starts at the beginning of Sunday, March 16, GMT+12, and ends at the end of Sunday, March 16, GMT-12. That gives us 48 hours to celebrate the day.

We’ve collected a link of stuff to give people an idea of how the site has evolved over the years.

If you’re new to the site …

Begin with:

Tracing the site’s growth

The most popular site content

This stuff has been popular in the past, so it’s a good place if you’re looking for stuff to share. The stuff is not necessarily representative of the rest of our site.

Other stuff to check out

PS: If you’re interested in writing for Open Borders, check out our potential guest blogger contact form (you might want to read this blog post for some context).

Biweekly links roundup 14 2014

Here’s our Friday link roundup. See here for all link roundups. As usual, linking does not imply endorsement.

Follow us on Twitter for a steady stream of links and discussion.

Philosophy and ethics of migration

Research and in-depth analysis

Migration in the news

Start-Up Cities Along the Border

Open border advocates have long sought to promote open border policies in immigrant recipient countries but success has been mixed at best. Occasionally immigration policies are relaxed and sometimes they are restricted. Despite the countless energy and effort expanded, it is unclear whether the world is moving towards open borders. It may be time to consider directing efforts  towards the governments of migrant sending countries. Specifically, it may be time to lobby for the creation of start-up cities along the borders of the first world in places such as Mexico, Turkey, and Morocco.

Start-up cities are regions which remain under the jurisdiction of their host country but which are allowed a large degree of autonomy in domestic affairs and have their own independent legal and economic institutions. Start-up cities may even be allowed to operate under a different legal system than their host nation. Leading the development of start-up cities is the central American country of Honduras, which is currently setting up the framework for the creation of several start-up cities. The details of the Honduran start-up cities are still to be decided but once completed they will give Honduran citizens the opportunity to decide under which set of institutions they wish to live under.

Start-up cities are related to but distinct from charter cities, which have been discussed on the site before. Paul Romer, a Stanford Economist, first showcased his idea of charter cities on a TED talk in 2009. Romer’s charter cities though relied on help from the first world to get started up and in some variations the charter cities were administered by foreign governments. One of his examples was Canadian administration of a charter city in Cuba. Start-up cities (I take the term from Chapman University Law Professor Tom Bell), on the other hand, are initiated by and remain fully under the control of the host country. I suspect many migrants from and residents of the third world prefer the latter option. It is difficult to explain to a first world audience, but colonialism is still very much in the collective memory of the third world and anything with the trappings of colonialism will be met with heavy resistance. It is for this reason why I believe that, if they are to succeed, start-up cities will have to rely on existing overseas populations to help provide the expertise needed. This is not to say that expertise cannot be drawn from elsewhere, but it would be of great political aide nonetheless if it were perceived that start-up cities were under the control of natives.

Mexico, and other traditional emigrant countries, could pass legislation to create start-up cities that allowed its citizens to live in institutions similar to its northern neighbor, the United States, whilst still remaining in Mexican soil. Indeed countries like Mexico have a comparative advantage when it comes to creating start-up cities; they already have a large population of overseas citizens who are used to living under such institutions and therefore better able to re-create them elsewhere.

The creation of start-up cities should be favorable to all stake holders, including traditional opponents of open borders.

Migrants do not leave their homelands without reluctance. Migrants do not pack up and move their lives thousand of miles away out of whim or as a rite of passage. Migrants leave their countries of birth out of economic necessity or in order to escape  dangers to their safety. If a viable option allowed for them to continue residing in their homeland but under better institutions, many would prefer this option than migration to a foreign land.

Even migrants who have already migrated would be tempted by the lure of start-up cities in their countries of origin. Many migrants live as second or third class citizens with reduced civil liberties and limits on the economic activities they can undertake. Start up cities would enable migrants an opportunity to exert rights as fully fledged citizens and enter their elected profession with minimized legal obstacles.

Host countries should be favorable of start up-cities as it would create a wealthy region to draw tax revenues from. Start-up cities should be created in regions with low levels of populations or require that populated regions opt into them through referendum. This will ensure that minimal land disputes arise from the creation of start-up cities.

Traditional opponents of immigration should favor start-up cities as it allows them a method to rid themselves of migrants. Opponents of migration who recognize the economic value of immigration but who oppose migration out of cultural concern should favor start-up cities as a method that lets them to do business with migrants without having to live among them. Start-up cities could be created along the the border of the first world, but would be located on the third world side of the border and should therefore qualm fears by traditional opponents of migration that migration will lead to territorial losses.

Mexico is a prime candidate for the creation of start-up cities. Maquiladoras, special economic zones where Mexican labor works using capital from the United States, already litter the US-Mexican border. Maquiladoras already allow Mexicans to partially enjoy US economic institutions. Start-up cities would be a natural evolution and allow Mexicans not only to work under US institutions full time, but to live under them. Mexico also has the benefit of having a large overseas population whose expertise living under better institutions could be used to create start-up cities. Using expertise from fellow Mexicans should reduce the potential of a start-up city being mistakenly identified as an attempt to colonize the country. Mexicans would enjoy the benefits of US institutions but without reliance on US authorities to provide them. Mexico is also a prime candidate because its overseas population retains voting rights in Mexican politics and can therefore exert political pressure for the establishment of start-up cities.

Mexico is not the sole country in a favorable position for start-up cities. Turkey, with its large established overseas population in Germany and its favorable location next to the European Union is also a prime candidate as well. As is Morocco. Morocco actually presents a unique case in that it has two Spanish enclave cities, Cueta and Melilla, on its end of the sea. Both cities have high rates of illegal immigrants crossing over to enjoy Spanish institutions. The Moroccan government would do well to create start-up cities to provide better institutions for its people.

Start-up cities needn’t be located along the border of the first world. I propose this only because I believe those regions closest to the first world have a comparative advantage in regards to having overseas citizens with the knowledge necessary to recreate the desired institutions and due to geographic proximity that should favor trade.

Start-up cities are not without their flaws. Countries such as Mexico may be willing to allow start-up cities to adopt economic institutions different from the rest of country, but they may grow concerned about allowing such cities to have different political systems. Residents of start up cities may enjoy greater freedom than their counterparts elsewhere in the country, but they will still have to make certain concessions in order to appease current political elites. The current situation in Hong Kong (an example we’ve discussed before) provides us a case example of this. Hong Kong was an British settlement in China and was only transferred to Chinese authorities in 1997. British institutions allowed Hong Kong to flourish rapidly and in recognition of this the mainland government has allowed Hong Kong to retain a high degree of autonomy in its economic institutions. It has also tried to mimick the institutions that allowed Hong Kong to grow elsewhere in China through the creation of special economic zones. However it has also attempted to exert greater power over Hong Kong’s political  institutions. This suggests that the citizens of start-up cities will have to actively fight off attempts to curb their autonomy.

Start-up cities may also fail to provide the necessary institutions to all would-be migrants. Mexican nationals would benefit from the creation of start-up cities along the US border, but the Mexican government may be reluctant to allow Honduran or Guatemalans to reside in Mexico. It would be preferable if start-up cities were granted the freedom to set their own migration policies, but its unclear if this is politically possible. Hopefully the advent of start-up cities in some countries would exert pressure on other countries to follow suit.

Despite these flaws I believe that start-up cities are worth further attention by open border advocates. Efforts to convince the first world of the benefits of open borders should be continued, but it may be time to see if we can gain greater returns on our efforts by directing resources towards third world governments.